The preamble of the Indian constitution reads “We the people of India having solemnly resolved to constitute India into a sovereign socialist secular democratic republic………do hereby adopt, enact, and give to ourselves this constitution.” The sovereign people of this land gave themselves a constitution, an essential rulebook for a constitutionally guided democratic order. Over the length of 395 articles, the Constitution contains the art of modern statecraft, division of power, rule of law, and a unique feature of a democratic polity: a set of rights for its citizens. Over the years, the country’s jurisprudence and scholarly discourses have successfully established that Fundamental Rights are the critical feature of the basic structure of Indian Constitution. In giving themselves the Constitution, the people had reserved these rights for themselves.

Once India commenced its journey of statehood and governance, citizens’ Fundamental Rights did come under threat. In independent India, A.K. Gopalan v. State of Madras (1950) opened Pandora’s box for numerous cases that shaped the constitutional discourse around Fundamental Rights. Interestingly, the prime contender of citizens’ rights is the State. Here, the story of Article 19 (1) (a) warrants special attention. Freedom of speech and expression although have been granted to the people of India, the framers have always treated these rights with caution. A series of diligent discussions around ‘due process’ to ‘reasonable restriction’ were some of the common sights of the Constituent Assembly Debates (CAD), to conditionally restrict the exercise of rights by the citizens. It is rather remarkable for a country that released itself from the spell of oppressive colonial rule, to adopt a constitution that legitimises preventive detention measures. Preventive detention was significantly thriving during the infamous Emergency period under Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.

Interestingly, what was a widely exercised law after the independence of the Indian state was the law of sedition (IPC section 124A). The legislative genesis of the law can be traced back to 1870, which briefly reads any attempt of expressing/inciting disaffection towards the Government established by law as seditious. Notably, sedition was widely instrumentalised during colonial period to curb decent, free speech, and most attempts of freedom struggle.  It is precisely in this context, the restriction on free political speech draws our attention. History of India’s jurisprudence presents us with a string of cases where the constitutional courts at times showcase some interesting stances. Whereas there are cases like Romesh Thapar v. State of Madras (1950), Sakal Papers (P) Ltd., And Others v. Union of India (1961), or Ram Nandan v. Sate (1958), the Court cemented a progressive outlook towards the right to free speech. But, at the same time, the precedents set by cases like Kedar Nath Singh v. State of Bihar (1962) where legal voids are filled by the Court to corroborate the executive’s narrative cast doubts over the Judiciary’s role as a defender of constitutional rights.

These concerns knock at our doors again owing to the recent increase in the widespread exercise of the sedition law and active effort to curb free speech. The polity witnessed two trends of behaviour on the part of the State: first, free speech was increasingly conflated with ‘hate speech’ and second, the courts became completely ignorant of the protection of citizen’s constitutional rights. However, in the subsequent years the Supreme Court’s verdicts in Shreya Singhal v. Union of India (2015), Anuradha Bhasin v. Union of India (2020), and Amish Devgan v. Union of India (2020) raised some crucial aspects that impel us to rethink the significance of Fundamental Rights and the role if the judicature as the ultimate guardian of these rights. The Court’s verdicts in these cases could be read through the following three lenses: first, the fundamental logic behind free speech is to encourage a rich democratic environment where free political thinking can take place. Second, the prima facie reason behind granting freedom of expression is to reinforce popular sovereignty where diverse political concerns can be equally represented, and third, laws concerning hate speech whose constitutional credentials are questionable, require a broader interpretation. Rather than clinging to the old standard of interpreting an act’s probability to disrupt public order, the Court noted an approach that takes cognizance of the direct consequences of a speech in question.

The Court’s behaviour in handling the cases of free speech where the executive is a contender raises some important concerns about the Constitution and the role of the judicature as its guardian. Parliamentary sovereignty and an independent judiciary, both constitute a significant part of the Constitution’s basic structure. However, over the seven decades of co-existence, these institutions raise some critical questions about their institutional arrangement and constitutionally granted roles: First, although the Fundamental Rights are justiciable, are they always under the threat of violation by the State?  Second, to what extent an independent judiciary is instrumental in keeping a check on the sovereign power uniquely exercised by the executive? Third, to whom does the Constitution belong?: to the right-bearing citizens or to the institutions of the State. 

The Supreme Court had in 2022 intervened to examine the constitutionality of the sedition law in India effectively suspending all pending and future cases under this law. However, section 124A is not the only stick at the hands of the executive. There are equally effective and arbitrary measures available for example, section 2(1)(o)(iii) of the Unlawful Activity Prevention Act (1963) which defines sedition as a criminal offense leaving its legal definition substantially vague and unclear. The frequent application of these laws by the State against the citizens poses some crucial concerns about the judicial protection of Fundamental Rights and the constitutional necessity of the basic structure.

The progressive transformation of human civilisation from the social contract to constitutional democracy is marked by a crucial feature: a set of rights that protect the citizens from the State’s sovereign power and at the same time offer them equal say in governance. The logic behind this reasoning can be found in constitutional morality, elaborately discussed in the Constituent Assembly Debates (CAD). The premise of constitutional morality encourages argumentative sensibilities against a singular mode of thinking. The ultimate goal is to preserve a system where popular sovereignty and right -bearing citizens can co-exist together. In representative democracies, citizens exercise their electoral rights to assert popular sovereignty. However, it is notable that notwithstanding the formation of a representative government, the right-bearing citizens do not reduce to something lesser than popular sovereignty. The constitution has created an arrangement where both equals can co-exist together. The basic structure of the Indian Constitution asserts the rule of law as one of the fundamental elements of Indian polity applicable to both the State and its citizens. It is the constitutionally granted duty of the judiciary to treat everyone equally under the law.

The author is a Research Scholar, Shiv Nadar Institution of Eminence

What does an academic do in her daily life? Whom does she serve by her pedagogical excellence? What topics are they covering for her academic score? What kind of books are they writing for her pupils or, say, for her own promotion and better placement and perks? What kind of research projects are they supervising? Are they superior human beings untouched by lowly million lives? Are they self-serving or serving their respective disciplines with scientific precision, mechanical rigour and disinterested selves? Are they slaves of the vast educational moguls? Or are they ‘free’ to investigate, visit and revisit their disciplines with individual resources, inputs and experiences?

Should they inculcate the spirit of inquiry and freedom into her students, researchers, social media fans and followers, and relatives and neighbours? Or should they live in furnished blocks with latest gadgets and a dozen of modern slaves—drivers, maids, ayahs, personal assistants? Should they be worried about the issues like politicization of religion, everyday communalism, corruption, violent rhetoric of the political leaders, ill health system, dismal transport facilities, job scarcity, unemployment, women trafficking, and so on? Or should they live a life equipped with a 24-hour surveillance system?      

Should they write textbooks for the benefit of the students? Should they write notebooks for the benefit of the students?  I am happy with both kinds of academics. Why? At least, they have been able to recognise the need of the students who come especially from rural backgrounds. Many of them are first generation learners. Many of their parents are labourers, drivers, agricultural hands, carpenters, masons, and other odd workers. Their mothers are agricultural hands, domestic helpers, ayahs, or keepers of cows, goats, chickens.

Should they write reference books for the benefit of the students? The academics of elite Indian institutes must do it for the progress of the students and for the progress of the country.  They enjoy writing. And when they write they become oblivious of their surroundings. Such tenacity they have. They can write theoretical works, or say, groundbreaking works, pioneering works. They can publish them with the help of publishing giants.  Book-opening ceremonies, book-events, book-tours will continue for years. Fellow ‘low-born’ academics, ambitious scholars, book wizards, book enthusiasts will dig Amazon for its quickest delivery. Coffee houses, cross-words will arrange gala event for the ‘authentic’ voice of the promoted academics. But, that ‘authentic’ voice has little no relevance outside the classroom, lecture theater or seminar hall. It is a tragedy. The elite academics and their theoretically ground breaking works are detached from the simmering issues the country is facing. Their ‘superior’ works fail to stimulate ordinary students. They are made for the especially chosen few who have some academic compulsion. They are simply a coterie of Ph. D and Post-doc holders. Many of them are living in the virtual world. Many of them, sorry, almost all of them have a single destination—America, the Promised Land.

Indian academics have lost credibility to the masses. People know that they can be bought and sold by the state power. People on the streets abuse them, accuse them, envy them. They call them opportunists. They hardly sacrifice anything for the poor, the jobless youths, and the employment seekers. They recommend their ‘own’ scholars for an academic contract or a university position. They are the gods and goddesses in their particular disciplines, and their scholars must worship her twice a day, at sunrise and at sunset. In many cases, Ph. D aspirants have no academic freedom in choosing topics of their research. They have to follow their academic bosses in order to keep them happy and to get the certificate at the earliest. The topics the students are bound to choose may not interest them. They need a certificate for a job, and the guides need numbers for their academic performance.      

Most Indian academics know the reality too much. They are too much in the world.  They have to pay a heavy price, they know, if they speak out. Silence is golden. Let the politicians talk. Let the journalists talk. Let the activists fight for their vested interests. Let the mob rule the country. Let the hooligans take laws in their hands and lynch the Muslims, Dalits and Christians in the name of a docile animal cow. Let the scientists deliver a most unscientific speech. Let the politicians polarise the country on the basis of religion. We, academics, have nothing to do with this chaotic dispensation. We are academics. Campuses are our world. Green campus! Greener students!

They know that if they speak out they will be marked. They will be harassed, abused, and even threatened with physical intimidation online and offline. They know the power of a digital army, recruited by the political parties. They are constantly under the scanner. So they choose the path of silence. They are witnesses to their colleagues’ trajectories. Some have been arrested. Some have been trolled mercilessly. Some have been warned with death threats, and some have been killed by the state.

Moreover, some academics have covert or overt political ambition. In India, a layman knows how to live a hassle-free life. From getting admission to a school or a hospital or a club to hiring a domestic maid or booking a flat or a doctor or buying a piece of land—everything depends on one’s political clout. Yes, even political leverage will be ineffectual for buying land or booking a flat if you happen to be a Muslim or a Dalit.

 In India, politics is the most viable way to be served with respect and dignity. An honest, industrious citizen whatever profession she professes must suffer in the daily transactions of her life. A file may not be signed for months, a ticket to a show or a bed or a hotel may be denied, a chauffeur may not be hired, a doctor or lawyer may not be booked, and so on. Political tag is the one and only distinguishing mark for pomp and power, for perks and patronage. So the lure of political power is irresistible to the academics also—high-born, low-born all. But most of academics try to keep it secret. Some of them have a secret inner line with multiple party bosses. So they keep mum to avoid any untoward impact on the upward mobility graph of their career. They speak only when there is a chance of getting a personal incentive in the form of an academic assignment in an academic body.

This is the general picture of especially rural Indian academics. Academics of Indian elite institutes, with their excellent publishing records and public commitments, may prove me wrong. But that is a different story altogether.  

B R AMBEDKAR ON COLLEGIUM

Ambedkar delivered a lengthy speech in response to the debates and amendments introduced in Article 124. "I came across three distinct proposals. The first proposal is that Supreme Court justices be appointed with the Chief Justice's approval. "There can be no disagreement that the judiciary must be both independent of the executive and competent in its own right," he said. "With regard to the question of the concurrence of the Chief Justice, it appears to me that those who advocate that proposition seem to rely implicitly both on the impartiality of the Chief Justice and the soundness of his judgment," Ambedkar said.

‘I personally feel no doubt that the Chief Justice is a very eminent person. But after all the Chief Justice is a man with all the failings, sentiments and prejudices which we as common people have. To allow the Chief Justice practically a veto upon the appointment of judges is really to transfer the authority to the Chief Justice which we are not prepared to vest in the President or the government of the day. I, therefore, think that is also a dangerous proposition.’ 

 – Dr. B R Ambedkar, President, Drafting Committee of   Constitution of India

What Kiran Rijiju, the Law Minister in Narendra Modi's NDA government, said at a Sabarmati Samvad event organised by Panchjanya, the RSS's weekly magazine, was no different from what Dr Ambedkar said in a Constituent Assembly debate on May 24, 1949.

The public's dissatisfaction with the judiciary, which is becoming increasingly visible on public platforms, stems largely from the opacity of the process by which judges in higher courts are appointed. Rijiju also spoke of public dissatisfaction with the judiciary on various platforms, as well as the same judiciary's plea to gag it after it presided over violence against constitutionally clear laws like the Farm Laws, calling it an expression of dissent.

The judiciary's arbitrariness has been pronounced, and when people see it, their trust in the judiciary is shaken. When they discover that the beheading of a Kanhaiya Lal does not jolt the conscience of the highest court as much as a beard cut of a man of a particular faith, they begin to doubt the competence of the learned men who act partisan while constantly throwing both Constitutional and Mahatma Gandhi at us. The greatest threat to the rule of law is a loss of faith in the society that it seeks to govern, and the leading cause of this loss of faith is arbitrariness in the rule of law. When the law is crystal clear, and the constitution is clear, how come a two-member Supreme Court bench has a split decision on Hijab in a public institution? Either the law is extremely bad, or the Judges must be extremely incompetent to interpret the law in such disparate ways. A third possibility emerges, which is even worse than the first two: instead of interpreting the laws, they harden their opinions. This brings up the issue of how judges are appointed. According to Dr. Ambedkar's quote, the Constituent Assembly ruled out the last option as being extremely dangerous. Thus, under Article 124 of the Constitution, it was pronounced that:

‘Every Judge of the SC should be appointed by the President by warrant under his hand and seal after consultation with such of the judges of the Supreme Court and of High Courts in the state as the president may deem necessary for the purpose and shall hold office until he attains the age of Sixty-Five. ’

While the makers of the Indian Constitution attempted to keep the appointment of judges free of on-the-ground party politics, they also attempted to make way for the appointment of judges reflective of the voice of the people through the elected head of a democratic government, the President of India. To ensure that the President was properly advised by legal minds throughout the process, they retained the provision for consultation with Supreme Court and High Court Judges but left it up to the President's discretion. The choice of words made it abundantly clear that the Constitution did not bind the elected president of Democratic India to consult with legal luminaries. The direct implication of this is that any mechanism that contradicts this and the rights of the President of India would be unconstitutional, regardless of the colour we paint it in.

As a result, the notion that the CJI-led collegium has primacy because the word "consultation" appears in Article 124 and amounts to "concurrence," and that the Collegium's role is critical in ensuring the independence of the judiciary, is nothing more than a rewriting of the Constitution and giving the CJI veto power. It is the same idea that the Constituent Assembly expressly rejected decades ago by voice vote.

By introducing this concept, the Supreme Court is assuming the role of the Constituent Assembly, which was led by Ambedkar, Nehru, Patel, K.M. Munshi, Jaipal Singh Munda, Ganesh Vasudev Mavalankar, Pattabhi Sitaramayya, and India's first President, Rajendra Prasad.Collegium and NJAC

There are numerous and heinous examples of extraneous considerations in judicial appointments in India. Justice R. S. Pathak informed George H. Gadbois Jr. that a sitting Supreme Court judge did not want Delhi High Court Chief Justice T.P. S. Chawla to be elevated to the Supreme Court because Justice Chawla, the Supreme Court judge's neighbor, threatened to shoot his dog!

During the 1950–1971 period, executive interference in judicial appointments was only due to political patronage; however, after 1971, the Indira Gandhi regime insisted on a "committed judiciary," and the government openly weighed the ideology of judicial nominees. Supersession and unfavorable transfers were two tools the government used to intimidate judges.

A "Judicial Collegium," which has had the final say on judicial appointments for the past three decades, was established by the Second Judges Case decision. It was the Supreme Court's idea, and the Constitution does not specifically mention it.

Because it was thought that no appointment could be confirmed by the President without the Chief Justice of India's affirmative approval, the executive role was reduced to a ceremonial one.

Furthermore, in the Third Judges Case (1998), it was clarified that the government could disagree during the process, but if the recommendation was unanimously reiterated by the collegium, the candidate must be appointed.

 "While the collegium's inception was viewed as an assertion," wrote Arun Jaitley in his essay, "as a result of its opaque functioning, questionable choices, and genuine lack of participatory involvement of interested stakeholders,"

"bargains are struck between collegium members." Members frequently have preferred candidates and will accept other members' candidates if it means that their own candidates can be appointed or pro-Merit is no longer the most important factor. Rion.

It has been replaced by community representation, caste, ideology, or simple familiarity.  "The mystique of the process, the small base from which the selections were made, and secrecy and confidentiality' ensured that the process could fail on occasion," retired Justice Ruma Pal said.

Making the wrong appointments and, even worse, promoting nepotism.  A brave step forward was the Constitution (Ninety-ninth Amendment) Act of 2014.  The amendment created the National Judicial Appointments Commission, which consists of the Chief Justice of India, the two senior-most judges, the Union Law Minister, and two esteemed members of civil society. To regulate how the NJAC recommends candidates to the President, the National Judicial Appointments Commission Act 2014 was also passed. 15. The Supreme Court declared the NJAC and the 99th Constitutional Amendment unconstitutional, stating that the judiciary cannot risk becoming entangled in a "web of indebtedness" to the government.

Nepali Lessons

A powerful tool for resolving legal conundrums is comparative law. The commission system for judicial appointments has been adopted by many nations in both the Global North and the Global South, including the United Kingdom and South Africa. This system involves all three branches of government as well as civil society, legal academia, and the bar. Nepal, on the other hand, with its younger constitution and historical, cultural, geographical, and political proximity to India, provides the most relevant modality for us. The President of Nepal appoints the Chief Justice on the recommendation of the Constitutional Council. The President of Nepal appoints Supreme Court justices on the recommendation of the Judicial Council. The Judicial Council is a five-member independent body led by the Chief Justice, the Law and Justice Minister, the Supreme Court's most senior judge, and two distinguished jurists representing the Prime Minister and the Nepal Bar Association. Before the President can appoint the Chief Justice and Supreme Court justices, they must be confirmed by the Parliamentary Hearing Committee. The Parliamentary Hearing Committee is made up of 15 members drawn from both Houses of Parliament. As in the case of Nepal, the Constituent Assembly of India contemplated a multiplicity of authorities for the appointment of judges of the constitutional courts, with each of these authorities mutually checking and balancing their functioning. The current collegium system has removed the checks and balances mechanism, which is a fundamental feature of the Constitution. A hybrid mechanism, such as Nepal's, with a collective and transparent procedure for appointing judges, is desirable for India as well.

It was the afternoon of 23 February 2023, a contingent of Punjab Police, with lathis in their hands, was standing behind barricades outside the Ajnala Police Station in the Amritsar district of Punjab, facing a huge crowd, many armed with Kirpans. The crowd was also carrying the Guru Granth Sahib in a bus. And walking among this crowd, surrounded by armed men with rifles, was Amritpal Singh Sandhu, who is being seen as the new face of the resurging Khalistan demand in the country.

Within minutes, the crowd broke the barricades and using the bus as a shield soon attacked the police. Amritpal and his supporters occupied the police station for the next several hours and left only on the assurance that his aide, Lovepreet Singh would be released who was arrested on charges of kidnapping and assault.

This incident created big headlines in the media. The K-word surfaced everywhere. Equations started to be drawn between Amritpal Singh Sandhu and Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. It is being said that this is the repetition of the 1980s and is the resurgence of the Sikh separatist movement. 

But why are such demands surfacing again? And who is this guy— Amritpal Singh? To understand the current situation, we must have a look at the very roots of the Sikh separatist movement in the country. 

Militant Identity of the Sikhs

The idea of Khalistan started coming up in the 1920s but even before that Sikhs had developed a firmly militant identity due to persecution by the Mughals. The militancy was fostered, especially under Guru Gobind Singh who in 1699 established a special group called 'Khalsa'. Sikhs who chose to be baptised into the Khalsa dedicated themselves utterly to their faith. Guru Gobind Singh created and initiated the Khalsa as a warrior with a duty to protect the innocent from religious persecution.

Though not all Sikhs became baptised members of the Khalsa, Sikhism as a religious tradition generally accepts the legitimacy of violent resistance in the face of repression of faith. Sikh identity gradually became tied up with the Khalsa identity and its militancy. 

Before the Independence

In the early years of British rule in the country, Sikhs had proven their loyalty to the British, particularly as soldiers of the British Indian Army. But this loyalty started to wane away due to several things like the Rowlatt Act, Jallianwala Bagh Massacre, issues regarding separate electorates, etc. Several Sikh leaders wanted a separate Sikh State along the lines of Pakistan but that could not happen. Instead, Congress gave them assurances that after independence the political aspirations of the Sikhs would be honoured. 

Punjab Reorganisation Act, 1966

After the Constitution came into being, many Sikh groups claimed they were not granted the autonomy they had been promised. Thus, in the 1950s the 'Punjabi Suba Movement' started gaining momentum. Although the demand was for a state on a linguistic basis, it was seen to have religious overtones as the demand was mainly from the Sikhs in Punjab. The Central Government was not ready to create states on religious grounds, although, in 1966 it conceded to dividing Punjab on 'linguistic lines' into the Sikh-majority Punjabi-speaking Punjab and Hindu-majority Hindi-speaking Haryana. Chandigarh became a Union Territory and acted as the shared capital of the two states.

But this did not completely satisfy the demands of the Sikhs. Many didn't like the idea of sharing Chandigarh with Haryana and wanted Chandigarh to be completely a part of Punjab. Another problem was that some Punjabi-speaking districts went to Haryana and Himachal Pradesh, they wanted those too to be included in Punjab. 

Sikhs not “Hindus”

Another major contention was that the Constitution included Sikhs under the definition of “Hindus”. This was a major reason why when the Constitution came into being, Shiromani Akali Dal rejected it. It is because Sikhs have often been seen as a part of the larger umbrella of Hinduism. But the Sikhs feel that they are a separate religion and not just a category of Hindus. They do have various similarities with Hinduism but that does not make them Hindus.

The same thing happened when the Hindu Code Bills were brought in the 1950s. There too, Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains were included under the definition of “Hindus” and these laws also governed the people of those three religions. 

Anandpur Sahib Resolution

In Punjab politics, there were two major parties tussling for power—? Shiromani Akali Dal and the Congress party. The dilemma for the Akalis was that despite being a strong advocate of the Sikh culture and religion, they never enjoyed the full support of the Sikhs. Its rival, Congress, had been more effective in state politics. Concerned with their declining popularity and lack of unity within the party, the Akali Dal came up with the Anandpur Sahib Resolution in 1973. This declaration addressed the economic concerns of Punjab along with the religious and ethnic demands of the Sikhs. This resolution was not secessionist in content but called for greater autonomy for Punjab. There were 3 major demands in this resolution—?

1. Chandigarh should not act as a shared capital of Haryana and Punjab and should be returned to Punjab.

2. The resolution demanded for Punjab to be an autonomous state. The Central government would be restricted to the management of foreign policy, defence, currency and communications. All other subjects would be under the jurisdiction of the state government. 

3. The resolution demanded redistribution of the waters of the Ravi, Beas and Sutlej rivers in the favour of Punjab. (I’ll talk about this later in the article)

This resolution didn’t play any important role initially and was forgotten but would later go on to become the foundation of Akali Dal’s future agenda as well as for Sikh separatism.

On the other hand, Congress under Indira Gandhi played a major role in undermining the Akali Dal. Indira adopted a highly authoritarian approach and centralised power in the country. The Emergency created anti-Congress and anti-Centre sentiments in Punjab. In 1980 nine states whose governments were unfavourable to Indira were placed under President’s Rule. Punjab was one of those states where the Akali Dal-Jana Sangh government was dismissed. 

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale

It is believed that in order to split the Akali Dal’s vote bank, Congress in the late 1970s started cultivating the religious leader Jarnail Singh Bindranwale as an alternative. Bhindranwale was the leader of a prominent orthodox Sikh institution—? Damdami Taksal. He sought to promote the conservative aspects of Sikhism and emphasised the stringent following of religious doctrines. But why Jarnail Singh? What was special in him that Congress felt he could be helpful? The answer is his immense popularity. 

Green Revolution

In the 1960s the Green Revolution was introduced, resulting in a great increase in the production of food grains and Punjab was its biggest beneficiary leading to great prosperity in the state—? this is what we've been generally taught. But there’s a darker side to it too.

The Green Revolution was successful initially because of government subsidies and support prices. However, this could not continue indefinitely and with the rising cost of fertilizers and pesticides, small farmers were the worst hit. Also, the increase in productivity could not be sustained because the new varieties created new ecological problems by reducing genetic diversity and affecting soil and water systems.

And whatever gains Punjab earned from the Green Revolution weren’t distributed equally among various sections and regions of the state. This led to the growing numbers of marginalised poor peasants, who could neither reap the benefits of the land nor find employment in the industrial sector because the industries in the state remained underdeveloped. 

River Water Dispute

Punjab had a long grievance against the Central government regarding the distribution of water from the Ravi, Sutlej and Beas rivers. The three rivers flowed through Punjab but through an elaborate canal system water was being diverted to drier areas of Haryana and Rajasthan. In the wake of the Punjab Reorganisation Act of 1966, the Centre decided that Punjab would get only 23% of the water and the rest would go to states like Rajasthan and Haryana. This was felt as unfair and instilled a sense that the Central government is having discriminating tendencies against the Sikhs. 

Such factors added to the deepening sense of alienation and growth of separatist sentiments among the Sikhs. And at this very time, Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale started gaining popularity. His popularity grew especially among the poor farmers of Punjab’s rural areas. These poor people had lost all hope in the political class, who were mainly big landlords, and they felt more connected with Bhindranwale, who was from a small farmer family. They saw in him their leader who could be their voice.

In the late 1970s and early 1980s, he toured across Punjab to spread his teachings. He appeared at a time when leaders were not engaged in the community. He started to hold courts to settle disputes and addressed social grievances. He preached the young Sikhs, encouraging them to return to the path of the Khalsa, to abstain from drugs and alcohol—? the two main practices which were badly affecting rural society in Punjab. As a social reformer, he denounced practices like the dowry and encouraged the reversal of the Green Revolution. These along with his remarkable ability as a preacher helped him gain enormous popularity. 

The Out-of-Control Genie

Bhindranwale was considered Congress’ masterstroke, however, as his popularity grew he started playing both Congress and Akali Dal against each other. And Congress soon realised that the genie it had unleashed refused to go back in its bottle.

Remember the Anandpur Sahib Resolution?

That resolution got revived in 1981 when Akali Dal and Bhindranwale came together. Akalis because they wanted to grab power from the Congress in Punjab and Bhindranwale because he was interested in the dominance of Sikhs in the state. Together they launched the ‘Dharam Yudh Morcha’.

Bhindranwale started directing his anger against the Centre regarding issues like Chandigarh’s inclusion into Punjab, distribution of river waters, etc. He believed that the Centre only served the interests of the Hindus. So he also started targeting Hindus in Punjab. He used offensive language against Hindus in his speeches.

“He exhorted every Sikh to kill 32 Hindus to solve the Hindu-Sikh problem.”
—?Khushwant Singh, author

He advised the Sikhs to acquire firearms to defend themselves. He also organised ‘killer squads’ in each village to eliminate the “enemies” of Sikhism. Violence in Punjab escalated with attacks on policemen and political figures becoming common. Many Hindus fled their homes due to fears of getting killed. Not only Hindus but Nirankari Sikhs were also being targeted by the followers of Bhindranwale as they were considered “fake Sikhs”. 

Why Hatred against Hindus?

Okay, but from where the Hindus came into the picture? Why did Bhindranwale target the Hindus? And what Hindu-Sikh problem?

The thing is that the very foundation of this separatist movement was that Sikhs have a separate identity and they are different, especially from the Hindus. And whenever the Sikhs of Punjab felt marginalised or discriminated against by the Centre, it was seen as the Hindu Government oppressing the Sikhs (Bharat being a Hindu-majority country).

Another reason was language. Although this should be a separate article in itself, still I’ll explain the thing in short. After the Punjab Reorganisation Act of 1966, Punjabi-speaking Hindus remained in Punjab. But many Hindus in Punjab started resonating more with the rest of the Hindi-speaking Hindu population of Northern Bharat rather than Punjabi-speaking people. Why did that happen? It was because, in the minds of many Hindus, ‘Punjabi Suba’ became “Sikh Suba” as there was a great emphasis on Punjab being the state of the Sikhs. And as Sikhs wished to be seen as separate, the Punjabi Hindus also got concerned about their identity.

Apart from this many Hindu organisations like RSS strongly believed in the idea of Hindi-Hindu-Hindustan. This was promoted aggressively and somehow it played well in Punjab. Lala Jagat Narain, the founder and editor of the Hindi newspaper Punjab Kesari, was a staunch opponent of the Punjabi Suba Movement and especially the Khalistan movement. Narain through his newspaper had urged Hindus in Punjab to disown Punjabi as their mother tongue. He was killed by the supporters of Bhindranwale in 1981 for writing against the Khalistan movement.

All such things played a significant role in encouraging the communal divide between Hindus and Sikhs in Punjab, and further added ghee to the fire of separatism in Punjab. 

Operation Blue Star and its aftermath

Shaken by the scale of violence, President’s Rule was imposed in Punjab in 1983. Bhindranwale and his armed supporters had taken refuge at Akal Takht in the Harmandir Sahib complex (Golden Temple complex). He was being supported and accommodated by the Akali Dal.

After negotiations failed, Indira Gandhi rejected the Anandpur Sahib Resolution and armed forces were called upon to remove Bhindranwale and his supporters from the temple complex. On 1 June 1984, Operation Blue Star was launched and the fight continued for 10 days. At last, Bharatiya forces neutralised Bhindranwale and his supporters and gained control of the temple complex. This attack resulted in huge civilian and military casualties. And not just lives, the structure of the Akal Takht, the highest spiritual and political authority of the Sikhs, suffered heavy damage because of the attack.

The Sikh community all over the world was outraged by this action of the government. They felt that it was an attack on their holiest shrine, on their religion.

In the eyes of a simple Sikh farmer, the soldiers were invaders, and Bhindranwale and his supporters protectors of their religious place.

4 months later on 31 October 1984, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her Sikh bodyguards. This in turn resulted in a violent organised massacre against the Sikhs all over the northern part of the country and especially in Delhi. Independent sources claimed 8,000-17,000 Sikhs were killed across the nation. More than 50,000 Sikhs fled their homes across northern Bharat to take refuge in Punjab which they not only saw as a safe haven but also a place they could call their own.

“Jab bhi koi bada ped girta hai, to dharti thodi hilti hai.
(When a big tree falls, the earth shakes.)”
—? then PM Rajiv Gandhi justifying the massacre at a public rally.

To our minds, the story ends here. But the real phase of militancy in Punjab started now.

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale became a martyr in the minds of a large number of Sikhs. Bhindranwale did die but his ideas remained. Attacks by the Khalistani terrorists intensified both in the country and abroad. In 1985, Air India Flight 182 was bombed, killing 329 people. Former Chief of Army Staff, General Arun Shridhar Vaidya who led Operation Blue Star was assassinated in 1986. Punjab CM Beant Singh was assassinated by a suicide bomber in 1995. In March 1986, Khalistani terrorists again occupied the Golden Temple Complex which necessitated another action known as Operation Black Thunder. Several cases of mutinies by Sikh soldiers were also reported.

Due to several military and police actions, the Khalistan movement in the country became extremely weak by the mid-1990s. But it was through sustained political negotiations and peacebuilding policies that the government was able to gain the confidence of the people of Punjab.

Wait. There is no happy ending yet.

Many Khalistani leaders are still operating from foreign countries like the US, UK and Canada. And now it seems that these people got a representative within Bharat—? Amritpal Singh Sandhu. 

Amritpal Singh Sandhu

Amritpal is a 29-year-old guy who comes from Jallupur Khera village in the Amritsar district. In 2012 he went to Dubai. His social media shows him often taking up issues concerning Punjab but he never had much traction before 2019 when he came out in support of the farmers’ protest against the now-repealed Farm Laws. He became part of the protests, especially the strand of the movement associated with Deep Sidhu. Amritpal defended Deep Sidhu on social media, especially after the actor was arrested and most political parties and farmer groups shunned him following the 26 January 2021 Red Fort violence where Nishan Sahib was hoisted at the Red Fort.

Deep Sidhu started an organisation called ‘Waris Punjab De’ in September 2021. This organisation was originally floated as “a pressure group to protect and fight for rights of Punjab and raise social issues”. During the launch event in Chandigarh, Sidhu described it as an organisation that would “fight for the rights of Punjab against the Centre and raise voice whenever there will be any attack on the culture, language, social fabric and rights of Punjab”. Sidhu also added that his front would only support the party that talks of Punjab and its rights. Eventually, he supported the radical pro-Khalistan party SAD (Amritsar) of Simranjit Singh Mann and also campaigned for them ahead of the 2022 Punjab Assembly Elections.

After the sudden death of Deep Sidhu in a car crash in February 2022, a letter was published by ‘Waris Punjab De’ on 4 March 2022 declaring Amritpal Singh as the organisation's leader. Amritpal returned to Bharat from Dubai and became a baptised Sikh with long hair tucked into a blue turban, a long flowy beard, a steel bangle on his wrist and a kirpan hanging from his waist, looking very different from his old photos with trimmed hair and beard and no hint of the religious preacher’s look that he puts on now. In September 2022 he took over as the head of ‘Waris Punjab De’ and a ‘dastar bandi’ ceremony was held at Rode, the ancestral village of Bhindranwale. The ceremony was attended by thousands raising pro-Khalistan slogans.

Amritpal started tapping the followers of Deep Sidhu. He moved around Punjab, meeting several Sikh political and religious leaders and seeking their support. He also asked the young Sikhs to join the Khalsa.

Amritpal calls Bhindranwale his “inspiration”. He dresses like Bhindranwale and copies his mannerisms. Similar to Bhindranwale, he also preaches orthodox Sikhism. He has been travelling across the State, promoting ‘Khalsa Vaheer’— a traditional religious procession preaching Sikhism to youth and encouraging them to shun drugs.

He blames the Central government for the issues the Sikh community faces. He says that be it the farm laws, the water crisis in Punjab, the drug menace, migration of people from UP and Bihar into Punjab, arrest of political dissidents, and undermining of the Punjabi language are all part of a "silent genocide" of Sikhs.

Since his ‘dastar bandi’ Amritpal Singh has been calling for violence and urging secession and separatism, openly espousing the cause of Khalistan on all platforms. He also moves around with heavily armed Nihang Sikhs.

Interestingly, many within the pro-Khalistan sphere are a little distrustful of Amritpal Singh. This is mainly because the older guard understands the plot of state agencies and they don't trust new people easily.

But why is he getting so popular? There are two major reasons for that— Economic and Political. 

Economic condition of Punjab

While preparations were going on for the presentation of the National Budget of 2023, noted economists from Punjab urged the country’s Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman to take urgent steps to revive the growth momentum in the Punjab economy, as the State has transitioned over the years from being “debt-stressed” to “debt-trapped”.

In recent times, Punjab’s agricultural growth has been very slow. But Punjab still depends on agriculture which contributes to about a quarter of its GDP. Punjab had seen immense growth in its industrial sector in the past but since the Economic Liberalisation in 1991, the industrial growth has slowed down. According to the Economic Survey of 2021-2022, Punjab ranked among the worst in terms of unemployment.

“The first thing that Punjab had to do was to promote free markets and competition, through which the private sector would grow, offer well-paying jobs. But the politicians themselves became industrialists and marred competition in the state. Investors feared spending in Punjab due to this.”
—?Lakhwinder Singh Gill, ex-professor at Punjabi University’s Khalsa college in Patiala.

The people of Punjab are not interested in doing low-paying industrial jobs, which is why industries rely on migrant workers from UP and Bihar. And due to this, many Punjabis look for employment opportunities in other states or even foreign countries.

However, despite the economy in tears, the state government has been making populist policies by promising freebies and making almost no fundamental changes to the existing structure of economic development.

What has Amritpal done regarding this?

He endorsed the concept—? “Punjab is for the Punjabis” and that jobs should be reserved for locals. He is encouraging the Punjabi Sikhs to join him and leave evils like alcohol and drugs, in return he would provide them with jobs and education. 

Political Vacuum in Punjab

The Punjabi society has been suffering from long-standing socio-economic crises like unemployment, drug addiction, and religious and political crises. A section of the society has lost faith in the traditional political parties, like Akalis and Congress, to tackle these issues. And the biggest beneficiary of this vacuum has been AAP which swept to power with a record mandate in the 2022 Punjab Assembly Elections. However, now certain signs show that the people are not too happy even with the Aam Aadmi Party. Then there is a perception of the Bhagwant Mann government being controlled by AAP’s Delhi leadership.

Some loss of faith is visible by the fact that the protesters in the state are maintaining a distance from the political parties. Whether it is the protest against the Farm Laws or any other protest, political parties have not been welcomed anywhere.

“Politics is all about meeting the aspirations of the people. When it does not happen, people find ways to express themselves in one way or another. Amritpal’s rise reflects it.”
—? Baljit Balli, senior journalist and Editor of Babushahi.com

Because Punjab is suffering from deep political, social and economic crises, the extremist ideas of Amritpal are gaining some attention when he raises these concerns. Similar things also happened in the 1980s. 

Endnotes

At a time when the country is being branded as a "Hindu Rashtra", there is bound to be a sense of alienation in the other communities, they will feel sidelined. The same is the case when attempts are made for the imposition of Hindi. It creates fear and insecurity among various communities regarding their identity, language, culture, traditions, etc. Yes, Hinduism being the majority religion will reflect in various aspects of life in this country but overtly emphasising that ignoring the diversity of the country, gives way to demands like Khalistan.

What I’m not able to understand is why does the strongman-imaged Modi Government seem to be so casual about Amritpal’s prominence? There have been no overt signs of discomfort at his growing popularity.

“How can a person who lived in Dubai for many years suddenly surface in Punjab and project himself as a leader of the entire Sikh masses, besides interpreting the Sikh history, culture and ethics in his own way?

People can’t be easily swayed by this sentiment since they have seen the past repercussions. Those days are still fresh in the minds of Punjabis, particularly Sikhs and the state’s political class.”
—? Manjit Singh, ex-professor of Sociology at Punjab University in Chandigarh.

Yes, it is right that drawing parallels with Bhindranwale may seem like fantasization at this stage, but to deny any similarity would be foolishness.

It was the afternoon of 23 February 2023, a contingent of Punjab Police, with lathis in their hands, was standing behind barricades outside the Ajnala Police Station in the Amritsar district of Punjab, facing a huge crowd, many armed with Kirpans. The crowd was also carrying the Guru Granth Sahib in a bus. And walking among this crowd, surrounded by armed men with rifles, was Amritpal Singh Sandhu, who is being seen as the new face of the resurging Khalistan demand in the country.

Within minutes, the crowd broke the barricades and using the bus as a shield soon attacked the police. Amritpal and his supporters occupied the police station for the next several hours and left only on the assurance that his aide, Lovepreet Singh would be released who was arrested on charges of kidnapping and assault.

This incident created big headlines in the media. The K-word surfaced everywhere. Equations started to be drawn between Amritpal Singh Sandhu and Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale. It is being said that this is the repetition of the 1980s and is the resurgence of the Sikh separatist movement. 

But why are such demands surfacing again? And who is this guy— Amritpal Singh? To understand the current situation, we must have a look at the very roots of the Sikh separatist movement in the country. 

Militant Identity of the Sikhs

The idea of Khalistan started coming up in the 1920s but even before that Sikhs had developed a firmly militant identity due to persecution by the Mughals. The militancy was fostered, especially under Guru Gobind Singh who in 1699 established a special group called 'Khalsa'. Sikhs who chose to be baptised into the Khalsa dedicated themselves utterly to their faith. Guru Gobind Singh created and initiated the Khalsa as a warrior with a duty to protect the innocent from religious persecution.

Though not all Sikhs became baptised members of the Khalsa, Sikhism as a religious tradition generally accepts the legitimacy of violent resistance in the face of repression of faith. Sikh identity gradually became tied up with the Khalsa identity and its militancy. 

Before the Independence

In the early years of British rule in the country, Sikhs had proven their loyalty to the British, particularly as soldiers of the British Indian Army. But this loyalty started to wane away due to several things like the Rowlatt Act, Jallianwala Bagh Massacre, issues regarding separate electorates, etc. Several Sikh leaders wanted a separate Sikh State along the lines of Pakistan but that could not happen. Instead, Congress gave them assurances that after independence the political aspirations of the Sikhs would be honoured. 

Punjab Reorganisation Act, 1966

After the Constitution came into being, many Sikh groups claimed they were not granted the autonomy they had been promised. Thus, in the 1950s the 'Punjabi Suba Movement' started gaining momentum. Although the demand was for a state on a linguistic basis, it was seen to have religious overtones as the demand was mainly from the Sikhs in Punjab. The Central Government was not ready to create states on religious grounds, although, in 1966 it conceded to dividing Punjab on 'linguistic lines' into the Sikh-majority Punjabi-speaking Punjab and Hindu-majority Hindi-speaking Haryana. Chandigarh became a Union Territory and acted as the shared capital of the two states.

But this did not completely satisfy the demands of the Sikhs. Many didn't like the idea of sharing Chandigarh with Haryana and wanted Chandigarh to be completely a part of Punjab. Another problem was that some Punjabi-speaking districts went to Haryana and Himachal Pradesh, they wanted those too to be included in Punjab. 

Sikhs not “Hindus”

Another major contention was that the Constitution included Sikhs under the definition of “Hindus”. This was a major reason why when the Constitution came into being, Shiromani Akali Dal rejected it. It is because Sikhs have often been seen as a part of the larger umbrella of Hinduism. But the Sikhs feel that they are a separate religion and not just a category of Hindus. They do have various similarities with Hinduism but that does not make them Hindus.

The same thing happened when the Hindu Code Bills were brought in the 1950s. There too, Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains were included under the definition of “Hindus” and these laws also governed the people of those three religions. 

Anandpur Sahib Resolution

In Punjab politics, there were two major parties tussling for power—? Shiromani Akali Dal and the Congress party. The dilemma for the Akalis was that despite being a strong advocate of the Sikh culture and religion, they never enjoyed the full support of the Sikhs. Its rival, Congress, had been more effective in state politics. Concerned with their declining popularity and lack of unity within the party, the Akali Dal came up with the Anandpur Sahib Resolution in 1973. This declaration addressed the economic concerns of Punjab along with the religious and ethnic demands of the Sikhs. This resolution was not secessionist in content but called for greater autonomy for Punjab. There were 3 major demands in this resolution—?

1. Chandigarh should not act as a shared capital of Haryana and Punjab and should be returned to Punjab.

2. The resolution demanded that Punjab to be an autonomous state. The Central government would be restricted to the management of foreign policy, defense, currency and communications. All other subjects would be under the jurisdiction of the state government. 

3. The resolution demanded redistribution of the waters of the Ravi, Beas and Sutlej rivers in the favour of Punjab. (I’ll talk about this later in the article)

This resolution didn’t play any important role initially and was forgotten but would later go on to become the foundation of Akali Dal’s future agenda as well as for Sikh separatism.

On the other hand, Congress under Indira Gandhi played a major role in undermining the Akali Dal. Indira adopted a highly authoritarian approach and centralised power in centralized The Emergency created anti-Congress and anti-Centre sentiments in Punjab. In 1980 nine states whose governments were unfavorable to Indira were placed under President’s Rule. Punjab was one of those states where the Akali Dal-Jana Sangh government was dismissed. 

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale

It is believed that in order to split the Akali Dal’s vote bank, Congress in the late 1970s started cultivating the religious leader Jarnail Singh Bindranwale as an alternative. Bhindranwale was the leader of a prominent orthodox Sikh institution—? Damdami Taksal. He sought to promote the conservative aspects of Sikhism and emphasised the stringent following of religious doctrines. But why Jarnail Singh? What was special in him that Congress felt he could be helpful? The answer is his immense popularity. 

Green Revolution

In the 1960s the Green Revolution was introduced, resulting in a great increase in the production of food grains and Punjab was its biggest beneficiary leading to great prosperity in the state—? this is what we've been generally taught. But there’s a darker side to it too.

The Green Revolution was successful initially because of government subsidies and support prices. However, this could not continue indefinitely and with the rising cost of fertilizers and pesticides, small farmers were the worst hit. Also, the increase in productivity could not be sustained because the new varieties created new ecological problems by reducing genetic diversity and affecting soil and water systems.

And whatever gains Punjab earned from the Green Revolution weren’t distributed equally among various sections and regions of the state. This led to the growing numbers of marginalised poor peasants, who could neither reap the benefits of the land nor find employment in the industrial sector because the industries in the state remained underdeveloped. 

River Water Dispute

Punjab had a long grievance against the Central government regarding the distribution of water from the Ravi, Sutlej and Beas rivers. The three rivers flowed through Punjab but through an elaborate canal system water was being diverted to drier areas of Haryana and Rajasthan. In the wake of the Punjab Reorganisation Act of 1966, the Centre decided that Punjab would get only 23% of the water and the rest would go to states like Rajasthan and Haryana. This was felt as unfair and instilled a sense that the Central government is having discriminating tendencies against the Sikhs. 

Such factors added to the deepening sense of alienation and growth of separatist sentiments among the Sikhs. And at this very time, Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale started gaining popularity. His popularity grew especially among the poor farmers of Punjab’s rural areas. These poor people had lost all hope in the political class, who were mainly big landlords, and they felt more connected with Bhindranwale, who was from a small farmer family. They saw in him their leader who could be their voice.

In the late 1970s and early 1980s, he toured across Punjab to spread his teachings. He appeared at a time when leaders were not engaged in the community. He started to hold courts to settle disputes and addressed social grievances. He preached the young Sikhs, encouraging them to return to the path of the Khalsa, to abstain from drugs and alcohol—? the two main practices which were badly affecting rural society in Punjab. As a social reformer, he denounced practices like the dowry and encouraged the reversal of the Green Revolution. These along with his remarkable ability as a preacher helped him gain enormous popularity. 

The Out-of-Control Genie

Bhindranwale was considered Congress’ masterstroke, however, as his popularity grew he started playing both Congress and Akali Dal against each other. And Congress soon realised that the genie it had unleashed refused to go back in its bottle.

Remember the Anandpur Sahib Resolution?

That resolution got revived in 1981 when Akali Dal and Bhindranwale came together. Akalis because they wanted to grab power from the Congress in Punjab and Bhindranwale because he was interested in the dominance of Sikhs in the state. Together they launched the ‘Dharam Yudh Morcha’.

Bhindranwale started directing his anger against the Centre regarding issues like Chandigarh’s inclusion into Punjab, distribution of river waters, etc. He believed that the Centre only served the interests of the Hindus. So he also started targeting Hindus in Punjab. He used offensive language against Hindus in his speeches.

“He exhorted every Sikh to kill 32 Hindus to solve the Hindu-Sikh problem.”
—?Khushwant Singh, author

He advised the Sikhs to acquire firearms to defend themselves. He also organised ‘killer squads’ in each village to eliminate the “enemies” of Sikhism. Violence in Punjab escalated with attacks on policemen and political figures becoming common. Many Hindus fled their homes due to fears of getting killed. Not only Hindus but Nirankari Sikhs were also being targeted by the followers of Bhindranwale as they were considered “fake Sikhs”. 

Why Hatred against Hindus?

Okay, but from where the Hindus came into the picture? Why did Bhindranwale target the Hindus? And what Hindu-Sikh problem?

The thing is that the very foundation of this separatist movement was that Sikhs have a separate identity and they are different, especially from the Hindus. And whenever the Sikhs of Punjab felt marginalised or discriminated against by the Centre, it was seen as the Hindu Government oppressing the Sikhs (Bharat being a Hindu-majority country).

Another reason was language. Although this should be a separate article in itself, still I’ll explain the thing in short. After the Punjab Reorganisation Act of 1966, Punjabi-speaking Hindus remained in Punjab. But many Hindus in Punjab started resonating more with the rest of the Hindi-speaking Hindu population of Northern Bharat rather than Punjabi-speaking people. Why did that happen? It was because, in the minds of many Hindus, ‘Punjabi Suba’ became “Sikh Suba” as there was a great emphasis on Punjab being the state of the Sikhs. And as Sikhs wished to be seen as separate, the Punjabi Hindus also got concerned about their identity.

Apart from this many Hindu organisations like RSS strongly believed in the idea of Hindi-Hindu-Hindustan. This was promoted aggressively and somehow it played well in Punjab. Lala Jagat Narain, the founder and editor of the Hindi newspaper Punjab Kesari, was a staunch opponent of the Punjabi Suba Movement and especially the Khalistan movement. Narain through his newspaper had urged Hindus in Punjab to disown Punjabi as their mother tongue. He was killed by the supporters of Bhindranwale in 1981 for writing against the Khalistan movement.

All such things played a significant role in encouraging the communal divide between Hindus and Sikhs in Punjab, and further added ghee to the fire of separatism in Punjab. 

Operation Blue Star and its aftermath

Shaken by the scale of violence, President’s Rule was imposed in Punjab in 1983. Bhindranwale and his armed supporters had taken refuge at Akal Takht in the Harmandir Sahib complex (Golden Temple complex). He was being supported and accommodated by the Akali Dal.

After negotiations failed, Indira Gandhi rejected the Anandpur Sahib Resolution and armed forces were called upon to remove Bhindranwale and his supporters from the temple complex. On 1 June 1984, Operation Blue Star was launched and the fight continued for 10 days. At last, Bharatiya forces neutralised Bhindranwale and his supporters and gained control of the temple complex. This attack resulted in huge civilian and military casualties. And not just lives, the structure of the Akal Takht, the highest spiritual and political authority of the Sikhs, suffered heavy damage because of the attack.

The Sikh community all over the world was outraged by this action of the government. They felt that it was an attack on their holiest shrine, on their religion.

In the eyes of a simple Sikh farmer, the soldiers were invaders, and Bhindranwale and his supporters protectors of their religious place.

4 months later on 31 October 1984, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her Sikh bodyguards. This in turn resulted in a violent organised massacre against the Sikhs all over the northern part of the country and especially in Delhi. Independent sources claimed 8,000-17,000 Sikhs were killed across the nation. More than 50,000 Sikhs fled their homes across northern Bharat to take refuge in Punjab which they not only saw as a safe haven but also a place they could call their own.

“Jab bhi koi bada ped girta hai, to dharti thodi hilti hai.
(When a big tree falls, the earth shakes.)”
—? then PM Rajiv Gandhi justifying the massacre at a public rally.

To our minds, the story ends here. But the real phase of militancy in Punjab started now.

Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale became a martyr in the minds of a large number of Sikhs. Bhindranwale did die but his ideas remained. Attacks by the Khalistani terrorists intensified both in the country and abroad. In 1985, Air India Flight 182 was bombed, killing 329 people. Former Chief of Army Staff, General Arun Shridhar Vaidya who led Operation Blue Star was assassinated in 1986. Punjab CM Beant Singh was assassinated by a suicide bomber in 1995. In March 1986, Khalistani terrorists again occupied the Golden Temple Complex which necessitated another action known as Operation Black Thunder. Several cases of mutinies by Sikh soldiers were also reported.

Due to several military and police actions, the Khalistan movement in the country became extremely weak by the mid-1990s. But it was through sustained political negotiations and peacebuilding policies that the government was able to gain the confidence of the people of Punjab.

Wait. There is no happy ending yet.

Many Khalistani leaders are still operating from foreign countries like the US, UK and Canada. And now it seems that these people got a representative within Bharat—? Amritpal Singh Sandhu. 

Amritpal Singh Sandhu

Amritpal is a 29-year-old guy who comes from Jallupur Khera village in the Amritsar district. In 2012 he went to Dubai. His social media shows him often taking up issues concerning Punjab but he never had much traction before 2019 when he came out in support of the farmers’ protest against the now-repealed Farm Laws. He became part of the protests, especially the strand of the movement associated with Deep Sidhu. Amritpal defended Deep Sidhu on social media, especially after the actor was arrested and most political parties and farmer groups shunned him following the 26 January 2021 Red Fort violence where Nishan Sahib was hoisted at the Red Fort.

Deep Sidhu started an organisation called ‘Waris Punjab De’ in September 2021. This organisation was originally floated as “a pressure group to protect and fight for rights of Punjab and raise social issues”. During the launch event in Chandigarh, Sidhu described it as an organisation that would “fight for the rights of Punjab against the Centre and raise voice whenever there will be any attack on the culture, language, social fabric and rights of Punjab”. Sidhu also added that his front would only support the party that talks of Punjab and its rights. Eventually, he supported the radical pro-Khalistan party SAD (Amritsar) of Simranjit Singh Mann and also campaigned for them ahead of the 2022 Punjab Assembly Elections.

After the sudden death of Deep Sidhu in a car crash in February 2022, a letter was published by ‘Waris Punjab De’ on 4 March 2022 declaring Amritpal Singh as the organisation's leader. Amritpal returned to Bharat from Dubai and became a baptised Sikh with long hair tucked into a blue turban, a long flowy beard, a steel bangle on his wrist and a kirpan hanging from his waist, looking very different from his old photos with trimmed hair and beard and no hint of the religious preacher’s look that he puts on now. In September 2022 he took over as the head of ‘Waris Punjab De’ and a ‘dastar bandi’ ceremony was held at Rode, the ancestral village of Bhindranwale. The ceremony was attended by thousands raising pro-Khalistan slogans.

Amritpal started tapping the followers of Deep Sidhu. He moved around Punjab, meeting several Sikh political and religious leaders and seeking their support. He also asked the young Sikhs to join the Khalsa.

Amritpal calls Bhindranwale his “inspiration”. He dresses like Bhindranwale and copies his mannerisms. Similar to Bhindranwale, he also preaches orthodox Sikhism. He has been travelling across the State, promoting ‘Khalsa Vaheer’— a traditional religious procession preaching Sikhism to youth and encouraging them to shun drugs.

He blames the Central government for the issues the Sikh community faces. He says that be it the farm laws, the water crisis in Punjab, the drug menace, migration of people from UP and Bihar into Punjab, arrest of political dissidents, and undermining of the Punjabi language are all part of a "silent genocide" of Sikhs.

Since his ‘dastar bandi’ Amritpal Singh has been calling for violence and urging secession and separatism, openly espousing the cause of Khalistan on all platforms. He also moves around with heavily armed Nihang Sikhs.

Interestingly, many within the pro-Khalistan sphere are a little distrustful of Amritpal Singh. This is mainly because the older guard understands the plot of state agencies and they don't trust new people easily.

But why is he getting so popular? There are two major reasons for that— Economic and Political. 

Economic condition of Punjab

While preparations were going on for the presentation of the National Budget of 2023, noted economists from Punjab urged the country’s Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman to take urgent steps to revive the growth momentum in the Punjab economy, as the State has transitioned over the years from being “debt-stressed” to “debt-trapped”.

In recent times, Punjab’s agricultural growth has been very slow. But Punjab still depends on agriculture which contributes to about a quarter of its GDP. Punjab had seen immense growth in its industrial sector in the past but since the Economic Liberalisation in 1991, the industrial growth has slowed down. According to the Economic Survey of 2021-2022, Punjab ranked among the worst in terms of unemployment.

“The first thing that Punjab had to do was to promote free markets and competition, through which the private sector would grow, offer well-paying jobs. But the politicians themselves became industrialists and marred competition in the state. Investors feared spending in Punjab due to this.”
—?Lakhwinder Singh Gill, ex-professor at Punjabi University’s Khalsa college in Patiala.

The people of Punjab are not interested in doing low-paying industrial jobs, which is why industries rely on migrant workers from UP and Bihar. And due to this, many Punjabis look for employment opportunities in other states or even foreign countries.

However, despite the economy in tears, the state government has been making populist policies by promising freebies and making almost no fundamental changes to the existing structure of economic development.

What has Amritpal done regarding this?

He endorsed the concept—? “Punjab is for the Punjabis” and that jobs should be reserved for locals. He is encouraging the Punjabi Sikhs to join him and leave evils like alcohol and drugs, in return he would provide them with jobs and education. 

Political Vacuum in Punjab

The Punjabi society has been suffering from long-standing socio-economic crises like unemployment, drug addiction, and religious and political crises. A section of the society has lost faith in the traditional political parties, like Akalis and Congress, to tackle these issues. And the biggest beneficiary of this vacuum has been AAP which swept to power with a record mandate in the 2022 Punjab Assembly Elections. However, now certain signs show that the people are not too happy even with the Aam Aadmi Party. Then there is a perception of the Bhagwant Mann government being controlled by AAP’s Delhi leadership.

Some loss of faith is visible by the fact that the protesters in the state are maintaining a distance from the political parties. Whether it is the protest against the Farm Laws or any other protest, political parties have not been welcomed anywhere.

“Politics is all about meeting the aspirations of the people. When it does not happen, people find ways to express themselves in one way or another. Amritpal’s rise reflects it.”
—? Baljit Balli, senior journalist and Editor of Babushahi.com

Because Punjab is suffering from deep political, social and economic crises, the extremist ideas of Amritpal are gaining some attention when he raises these concerns. Similar things also happened in the 1980s. 

Endnotes

At a time when the country is being branded as a "Hindu Rashtra", there is bound to be a sense of alienation in the other communities, they will feel sidelined. The same is the case when attempts are made for the imposition of Hindi. It creates fear and insecurity among various communities regarding their identity, language, culture, traditions, etc. Yes, Hinduism being the majority religion will reflect in various aspects of life in this country but overtly emphasising that ignoring the diversity of the country, gives way to demands like Khalistan.

What I’m not able to understand is why does the strongman-imaged Modi Government seem to be so casual about Amritpal’s prominence? There have been no overt signs of discomfort at his growing popularity.

“How can a person who lived in Dubai for many years suddenly surface in Punjab and project himself as a leader of the entire Sikh masses, besides interpreting the Sikh history, culture and ethics in his own way?

People can’t be easily swayed by this sentiment since they have seen the past repercussions. Those days are still fresh in the minds of Punjabis, particularly Sikhs and the state’s political class.”
—? Manjit Singh, ex-professor of Sociology at Punjab University in Chandigarh.

Yes, it is right that drawing parallels with Bhindranwale may seem like fantasization at this stage, but to deny any similarity would be foolishness.